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Vogue is a maritime term. This illustration alludes to the commercial and geographical importance of New York, which served as a point of exchange between commodities and people traveling between the old and new worlds Breward Part of this contrast can be explained by examining its editor and readership.
Its editor was Arthur Turnure, a Princeton graduate who had some experience of pub- lishing. He called wealthy friends and fashionable relatives to his aid. Stuyvesant Fish, Everetta C. Whitney and Cornelius Vanderbilt. This assertion is unquestionably true. Society, if it is to exist at all, must have its marks and limitations.
Though this period was dubbed the Gilded Age for the vast fortunes won by oil barons, railroad tycoons and large- scale industrialists, it was also an era when both traditional elites and the nouveaux riches wished to reinforce their distance from poorer and more recent immigrants to the US. This cachet was reinforced by importing luxury goods from Europe.
Newport, the vacation destination of wealthy Manhattanites, was frequently mentioned in the pages of Vogue in the s. It is in Europe that the silk of these stuffed chairs and these curtains was woven; in Europe that these chairs and tables were turned. The silverware came from Europe, and this dress was woven, cut, sewn in Europe; these shoes, stockings, gloves came from there.
This immigration pattern is inseparable from the development of the garment trades in New York and from the con- sistently anti-immigration and anti-mass-production stance adopted by early Vogue. By the s, half of the male population wore ready-made suits Welters and Cunningham 2.
In the womenswear sector, garment manufacture was concentrated in New York. Many of these dressmakers and department store entrepreneurs had immigrated earlier in the century and were of German Jewish origin. They tended to employ more recently arrived Eastern European Jews in their workshops, and statistics show that by the turn of the century, Jews constituted three-quarters of the , strong labor force in the garment industry and six out of every ten Jewish workers earned their livelihood through the production of clothing Binder and Reimers ; Daniels Though the editorial copy of Vogue stresses its internationalism, its advertisements reveal its local roots.
In , 65 percent of the total value of American-made womenswear was produced in New York, while by , the total had reached an astonishing 78 percent Green This text suggests not only concern over uncontrolled population growth amongst the poorest populations of immigrants but a fear that these oppressed people would neither understand nor respect American forms of democratic government.
A study of the geographical migrations of Vogue headquarters demonstrates that the publication tried to divorce itself from any associations with mass-production and garment manufacture in Manhattan.
Using the tools of mapping and cultural geography, this section considers the changing locations of Vogue headquarters from — Though Vogue headquarters were always situated in fashionable retail districts, before these districts were never far from the sites of garment production, which were moving northward and turning increasingly toward high-end womenswear production. It was bordered by 14th Street to the south, 23rd Street to the north, Sixth Avenue to the west and Broadway to the east.
It was also in close proximity to, but not surrounded by, the garment district at that time, which was concentrated below 14th Street on the Lower East Side just east of Broadway until the early twentieth century Rantisi Elegant shops moved to the 30s, 40s, and even 50s along Fifth Avenue, which replaced Broadway as an opulent shopping street Milbank Vogue followed this trend, moving northward up to 29th Street and Fifth Avenue by and all the way up to 34th Street and Fifth Avenue between —4.
He stayed there for thirty years, but when high-end retail moved ever further uptown, he relocated in to a renaissance building occupying an entire city block at 34th Street and Fifth. By this time, Vogue would have found many of its advertisers had deserted this formerly elite shopping district and the garment district was begin- ning to encroach on these retail spaces, now occupying loft spaces in midtown Manhattan.
By , the Fifth Avenue Association, composed of retailers, hoteliers, and other property owners, was lobbying for a sweatshop-free zone in midtown Manhattan Green The notorious trousered Bloomer costume is but one example of the garments imagined by women living in mid-nineteenth-century America. Though it was worn only by a brave few, it embodied the principles of class and gender equality Fischer In , the journalist Mary Fry called for a form of American costume that would challenge French supremacy.
But all must see that it is at war with our form of government, to be dependent on the nod of a foreign aristocracy for the form and material of our dress. As Rebecca Kelly argues, many of the generation of debutantes who were in their youth in the s were raised in the context of the college-educated New Woman and absorbed the lessons of dress reform movements.
Dedication to the principles of these movements, which included wearing clothing that was light, comfortable, and hygienic, meant no longer slavishly following Parisian haute couture. In a detailed case study of the fashion purch- ases of a Gilded Age mother and daughter, Kelly traces a nuanced story of generational differences in the consumption of female elites in the US of the late nineteenth century Kelly 9— Ella King married in into a respectable old New England family.
Her trousseau and subsequent wardrobe were acquired in Paris at the most expensive couture houses, including the famous Worth and Doucet. Her daughter Gwendolyn came out as a debutante in and belonged to the audi- ence early Vogue sought to reach.
These new elites held more positive views regarding the convenience and affordability of mass-produced goods than their Knickerbocker or Old New England ancestors, who continued to privilege European luxury imports. The artwork and content of Vogue suggest additional ways in which traditional class and gender roles were being contested in s America.
This multiplicity of voices is not surprising in a magazine with a staff composed of a mixture of young male Ivy League graduate writers and young women from more modest backgrounds, like the future editor Edna Woolman Chase. In the s, magazines began to rely on advertising as their primary source of income.
While earlier periodicals generated revenue from subscription and newsstand sales, the new breed of mass publications actively solicited advertising dollars. Its new proprietor had no practical experience of, and little interest, in the fashion trade except as a way of generating income. An American with French and German ancestry, Nast was a rising star in the publishing and advert- ising industries. Nast was also instrumental in modernizing the magazine.
With many new brands of cosmetics and slimming products advertised in its pages, the era of editorials featuring dresses for stout women and tirades against makeup was unfortunately over. The social gazette that had once scorned mass immigration and manufacture had become a mass-produced commodity in its own right. A year after he bought the magazine, he replaced the black-and-white line drawings and occasional photographs on its covers with commissioned, signed lavish full-color reproductions of painted illustrations to attract attention on the newsstands.
This use of images to promote brand names was becoming increasingly common in American commodity culture.
The Vogue girl had appeared sporadically in the period from — , but Nast moved her from the inside pages of the magazine to a starring role on its cover. When Frank Leyendecker featured her on the cover of early March , she was by no means a rank debutante Figure 2. She is a Watteau shepherdess come to life, though her actions retain the mechanical stiffness of a doll.
She steps forward and raises her skirts to make a curtsey. She is stage-lit from below, and she casts a sly glance at her audience.
Though she is richly attired in an eighteenth-century guise, she seems to make an obeisance to her audience, performing for their pleasure. Like the Vogue girl, fashion was unabashedly gendered feminine, as were the eighteenth century and rococo taste. Eighteenth-century-inspired costumes were very popular in the US from the s until the early twentieth century. During the American Civil War, society women frequently dressed up as colonials for balls, fairs and charity kitchens to raise money for the Union army Gordon — In an era when old New England families were increasingly interested in marking their difference from more recent immigrants and showy nouveaux riches, heirlooms allowed women to display their more ancient genealogical pedigrees and national identities on their bodies Gordon It also marks the moment when American fashion began to assume increasing importance on the pages of Vogue.
In Pleasure Island, society ladies and their daughters dressed up to present tableaux vivants of famous Vogue covers. She was played by a white-wigged Miss Miriam Sears, who was photographed curtseying, like the original, for the pages of the magazine Figure 3. Few young women of the period had the economic means to dress up in such a fanciful costume, and this image operates both as an assertion of the upper-class status of its readers and as a perfect opportunity to reiterate the cachet of its brand through the now well-established image of the Vogue girl.
Part of this shift can be explained by the increasing internationalism and cultural imperialism of the magazine itself. Vogue had gone from being an importer to an exporter of fashion news. He also renamed and launched the Jardin des Modes in Paris Seebohm —4. The original debutante, Miss , and a short- skirted, bobbed Miss , offer her a cake topped with thirty candles.
He reminded readers that the Vogue Company was responsible only for the publication itself and Vogue Dress Patterns, and had not dirtied its hands in the commercial fray of manufacturing and merchandising American Vogue, November 15, In the s clothing companies continued to steal the Vogue brand name in order to sell their products.
Its use of the image did not make the plaintiff any poorer Columbia Law Review — At the same time, the face of the New York garment industry was changing. While the production of workwear and menswear was relocated to other cities during the s, the costliest lines of womenswear were increasingly designed and manufactured in New York. This high-end ready-to-wear transformed the consumption practices of female elites.
Even Bergdorf Goodman, who specialized in custom-made clothing, started to sell ready-made goods in the s Green For this new generation, who embraced the convenience of mass-produced goods, a trip to the Paris couture houses was no longer an obligatory rite of passage. They deliberately gloss over the class and ethnic distinctions that early Vogue was so keen to reinforce. However, the Vogue girl had been replaced by an even more potent embodiment of idealized femininity, the supermodel or, in this case, supermodels Figure 6.
Though the photographer who orchestrated the shoot, Patrick Demarchelier, was French, six of the models were born in North America. Booking the models, of course, cost more than supplying them with the inexpensive clothing on their backs. By , Vogue was celebrating the homegrown tradition of mass- produced, androgynous, generic jeans and plain cotton shirts manu- factured in standardized sizes, over the traditional Parisian model of feminine luxury, clothed in silk satin and chiffon.
Yet despite its global branding, Vogue, like the US itself, has always been a cultural hybrid, combining European and American esthetics while concealing the conditions and sites of the manufacture of its commodities.
This cover reunites the artistic direction of a French fashion photographer with a product designed in New York and most likely manufactured abroad in Latin American or Asian sweatshops. In , the year Vogue celebrated its hundredth anniversary, Gap became the second-largest selling apparel brand in the world Milestones, www.
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